Suchergebnisse

Berichte über die ersten beiden (von insgesamt drei) Phasen eines JMCC-Projekts mit dem Titel "Foreign Aid and Development in Palestine". Im Hinblick auf die Debatte zwischen den internationalen Gebern und den Palästinensern soll in diesem Projekt vor allem untersucht werden, ob einerseits die Geber ihren eingegangenen Verpflichtungen nachkommen und ob andererseits die zur Verfügung gestellten Gelder konstruktiv im Sinne dauerhafter Entwicklung verwendet werden. Der erste Bericht präsentiert die Ergebnisse der Phase der Informationssammlung: Höhe der Hilfszusagen und der tatsächlich - von 1994-1996 - geleisteten Hilfe (nach Herkunftsländern); sektorale Verteilung der Hilfsgelder. Der zweite Bericht analysiert die Rolle der Auslandshilfe in der palästinensischen Entwicklungspolitik im Hinblick auf die Ursachen für Ineffizienz: Schlüsselfaktoren effektiver Auslandshilfe (strukturelle, politische und Management-Faktoren); Einschätzung der gegenwärtigen sozio-ökonomischen und politischen Situation; Struktur der Hilfemechanismen im palästinensischen Kontext; effizienzhemmende Faktoren (Koordinationsprobleme; durch die israelische Politik verursachte Probleme; Probleme, die aus dem Übergangscharakter des palästinensischen Gemeinwesens resultieren); Wirtschaftsentwicklung 1992-1996. (DÜI-Hns)

Over the past two decades, donors increasingly linked foreign aid to democracy objectives in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet systematic research on this topic typically focuses on how aid influences democratic transitions. This study investigates whether and how foreign aid affects the process of democratic consolidation in sub-Saharan Africa by examining two potential mechanisms: (1) the use of aid as leverage to buy political reform, and (2) investment in the opposition. We test these mechanisms using five dependent variables that capture different aspects of democratic consolidation. Using survival analysis for the period from 1991 to 2008, we find that democracy and governance aid has a consistently positive effect on democratic consolidation. Economic aid, on the other hand, has no effect on democratic consolidation.

This paper investigates the link between foreign aid and exports between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The main hypothesis is that the Euro-Mediterranean Process should promote not only trade but also stronger links between the European Union (EU) and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Hence, we expect development aid to have a positive impact on exports, which could also intensify the aid-trade relationship. In particular, we expect to find higher trade volumes in both directions after the process started in 1995 and intensified in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when several bilateral free trade agreements were signed. A gravity model augmented with bilateral and multilateral aid and trade regime variables is estimated for exports and imports from recipient countries to donor countries for the period 1988 to 2007 using advanced panel data techniques. Our method addresses the endogeneity bias of the trade regime/economic integration agreement (EIA) variable, assuming that decisions to form or enlarge EIAs are slow-moving relative to trade flows.

Members of Congress and Administrations have periodically considered reorganizing the federal government's trade and development functions to advance various policy objectives. This book examines the Trump administration's 2019 budget request to consolidate OPIC and other agency development finance functions, specifically the DCA of the USAID, into new US development foreign agencies. The second report shows in tabular form how much the Administration requested and how much Congress appropriated for US payments to the multilateral development banks (MDBs) since 2000. The third report included in this book looks at the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) that provides economic assistance through a competitive selection process to developing nations that demonstrate positive performance in 1. Ruling justly, 2. Investing in people and 3. Fostering economic freedom. Next, an overview of US foreign assistance to Israel is provided. It includes a review of past aid programs, data on annual assistance and analysis of current issues. Finally, this book examines the legislative authorization and appropriation of funds for foreign aid and security cooperation which are potential vehicles for congressional responses to developments in Cameroon, along with oversight activities. Additionally, to date, the US has directed nearly $7.7 billion toward Syria-related humanitarian assistance, and Congress has appropriated billions more to support security and stabilization initiatives in Syria and in neighboring countries. The chapters herein provide an overview on the Syria conflict and the US response in what is now its seventh year of conflict

Bringing together psychological approaches to empathy with research on public preferences for foreign development aid, we shed light on the role empathy plays in global helping behavior. We argue individuals combine their affective empathic responses with situational factors when forming foreign aid preferences. Testing our theory with two novel experiments embedded in a national survey of US citizens, we find that affective empathy not only predicts the individual variation in foreign aid preferences but also explains why Americans weigh aid effectiveness and recipient deservingness—the two important situational aspects of foreign aid—differently. We show that the ability to feel others' pain is what facilitates global helping behavior, not simply knowing their pain. However, even though this affective ability moderates the impact of aid effectiveness, it amplifies that of recipient merit. Our results contribute to a richer understanding of when empathy facilitates public support for foreign development aid and add to the burgeoning research program on behavioral international politics.

This paper measures the links between aid from 14 rich to 113 developing economies and bilateral asylum applications during years 1993 to 2013. Dynamic panel models and Sys-GMM are used. Results show that asylum applications are related to aid nonlinearly in the level of development of origin countries, in a U-shaped fashion, where only the downward segment proves to be robust to all specifications. Asylum inflows from poor countries are negatively, significantly and robustly associated with aid in the short run, with mixed evidence of more lasting effects, while inflows from less poor economies show a positive but weak relation with aid. Moreover, aid leads to negative cross-donor spillovers. Applications linearly decrease with humanitarian aid. Voluntary immigration is not linked to aid. Overall, the reduction in asylum inflows is stronger when aid disbursements are conditional on economic, institutional and political improvements in the recipient economy.

This article argues that military intervention by traditional members of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) has a significant impact on the development aid given to target states. This seemingly innocuous thesis contributes to two literatures. First is the literature on foreign aid, which examines a long list of donor and recipient state variables to explain assistance patterns. It has yet to analyze the signal that DAC military intervention sends about the importance of specific recipient states, however. Second is the literature on foreign policy substitutability, which maintains that increasing the resources allotted to one change-inducing foreign policy tool often reduces the resources available for other tools. Using interrupted time-series panel-corrected standard error estimates of 120 recipient countries from 1960 to 2004, we find that aid flows from traditional DAC donors rise significantly when one or more of their members dispatch soldiers in support of a target government, but gradually recede after troops depart. The opposite pattern holds for interventions that oppose the target government. These outcomes suggest that studies of foreign aid should consider donor state military actions as an additional explanatory variable, and that policymakers may at times view foreign aid and military intervention as complementary rather than competing foreign policy tools.